Coletta Youngers of WOLA (Washington Office on Latin America) noted that:
(1) current Washington policy towards Colombia is in utter confusion, with key issues being counter-narcotics, economic realities, peace process, democratic reform, and insurgency.
(2) Colombia is seen primarily as a national security threat, which justifies the building up of the Colombian military prior to a peace process (as in El Salvador). The narco-guerrilla image has been very successfully sold. No matter how small the processing labs may be in certain regions, they are sufficient to "justify" the hard line. What is alarming is that we may be starting down the slippery slope of El Salvador-type involvement even while the debate goes on.
(3) There is a blurring of the lines to hide the sources of military aid (security, counter-narcotics, military training, intelligence gathering, US troops training with Colombian troops, etc).
(4) It is recognized that narcotics decertification in Colombia has run its course, and has had a detrimental impact on the economy, and that U.S. policy needs to be constructive economically and accept the validity of the peace process.
(5) While narcotics are still central, there is some interest in providing economic aid to get Colombia back on track. AID is giving aid towards peace initiatives, alternative development and support to the displaced.
Adam Isacson of the Center for International Policy documented various types of US aid to both the military and the police. This aid is provided through many channels with lack of transparency. Aid in 1997 included $85 million in grants and $95 million in sales; the grants increased to $130 million in 1998. These figures are in addition to the coca fumigation program. Colombia last year was the greatest purchaser through the Foreign Military Sales program and the fourth largest in Direct Commercial Sales. Drawdowns, which totaled $41.1 million, do not require Congressional approval. The JCET program (Joint Combined Exchange Training) provides a loophole since these funds are related to training of US forces although the training takes place on the ground in Colombia, and includes training of Colombian soldiers at the same time.
We can see three trends:
* Most of this aid is under the rubric anti-narcotics; but there is overlap, as the antinarcotics aid is applicable to anti-insurgency activities. In Colombia itself there is considerable overlap.
* Much assistance has been channeled to the Police, due to the Leahy amendment.
* Any reports (i.e. end use) even if required are extremely difficult to get from the Pentagon.
Lisa Haugaard of LAWG (Latin America Working Group) spoke about the legislative agenda. Congress is still focused on the drug issue; policy is driven by a very small number of representatives in the House. They have developed close ties to Gen. Rosso José Serrano, chief of the National Police, and to the Colombian antinarcotics police and their allegedly perfect human rights record. Along with Gen. Serrano, they use the term "narcoguerrillas," yet ignore paramilitary ties with the drug business.
Things to work on: get your representatives to go on official delegations to Colombia, but insist that they also meet with human rights people in Bogotá and elsewhere. Push for transparency in the aid given; insist on reports. Find a way to get the proof to identify units receiving aid and units committing abuses. The Leahy amendment has been expanded to include not only aid provided under the Foreign Operations authorization bill (including State Department programs), to also encompass aid provided through the Defense Department appropriation. The challenge is to get members of Congress to feel able to vote against further military and police aid to Colombia when it is presented as critical to the drug problem. One of the leading advocates for a human rights perspective in U.S. policy to Colombia, Congressman Esteban Torres, is retiring. Unfortunately, the Western Hemisphere Drug Elimination bill swept by with only 40 votes against it. It was basically a detailed list of hardware with a price tag of $2.3 billion. There is concern about the trend of transferring authority from the State Department to the Defense Department. We need to get members of Congress to understand that Latin American militaries should not be performing police functions, and thus should not be involved in counter-narcotics efforts.
Hiram Ruiz of the US Committee for Refugees spoke about the internally displaced, who now number in the range of 1 million - 1.3 million people. This is the first year that significant aid has been allocated for the displaced ($2 million). The Colombian government has only recently finally acknowledged the displacement problem, and they can only address it in minimal ways. The church is aware and involved, but has limited ability. The International Red Cross is there, and the European Union has provided $5 million in aid. More US and international NGOs need to become involved. The Committee at this very moment is involved with an advocacy project: a speaking tour of the US by two displaced people, from Tolima and from the Turbo/Bocas del Atrato area, as an attempt to address the lack of knowledge by the general public of the real situation in Colombia. (See article in this issue.)
Environmental issues were presented by Lauren Spurrier of the World Wildlife Fund. Its Colombia program is active in three eco-regions: the northern Andes, the Chocó, and the Llanos. They do site-specific work, environmental education, research and policy advocacy. Colombia's new Constitution provides one of the most comprehensive sets of laws to protect the environment. The WWF carries out programs in Colombia related to training in conflict resolution; education of citizens in the locality about their rights; a conservation-related Action Alert network, initiated some eight months ago.
The issue of the moment is the use of "spike" (tebuthirion) in spraying to eradicate coca. It is available in powder form, so it could in theory be applied more selectively. But there needs to be research into the social and environmental effects of this chemical, as no studies have been conducted in the Colombian context, nor in a jungle environment, nor on the effects of aerial spraying. Dow Chemical Company has warned that tebuthirion is not intended for use in a context like the Colombian and has blocked sale of the chemical for use in Colombia.
Mario Murillo of WBAI/Pacifica Radio and the Colombia Multimedia Project (New York) addressed issues related to the media. Olga Gutiérrez of the Coordinación Colombia-Europa spoke on the topic of international advocacy. She emphasized that this work relies on the legitimacy of the international community and the duty of the international community to look out for delinquent members of the community.
Following the formal presentations, Martha Soto of Colombia Vive (Boston) provided a summary of the history of the Colombia Human Rights Network. Other conference participants described the work of Peace Brigades International, ABDC (Agencia Británica de Desplazados en Colombia), Oxfam-UK, the Colombia Support Network, and ICCHRLA (the Interchurch Committee for Human Rights in Latin America, of Canada).